Archaeology And Patterns Of Trade Iron Age Europe History Essay

Archaeology And Patterns Of Trade Iron Age Europe History Essay In the Iron Age most European communities would have been linked together to some degree and this can be seen as a continuation of contact established during the Bronze Age (Piggott 1965: 174). Peaceful trade between these communities, for goods that were either a basic necessity or possibly just desirable, would happen for a number of reasons, none of them mutually exclusive, such as exploitation, cross-cultural interchange or mutually beneficial exchange (Woolf 1993: 211). When considering what archaeology can tell us about this trade, according to Collis (1984: 15),there is a common assumption that it divides into the three spatial patterns of long distance, inter-regional and local trade However, this differentiation may only be a modern construct that would not have been recognised by Iron Age communities (Wells 2008: 356-8). This essay will use some of the material culture available from burials, hoards and settlements to examine each pattern in turn looking at the objects trad ed, how trade was organised, why and who was involved in an attempt to assess whether or not the archaeological evidence supports this largely economic model. Before any assessment can be undertaken it is important to define the terms Trade and Iron Age as they are used in this essay. Trade is used here to describe any transaction intended to acquire goods not available in the local environment, which are either required for basic physical needs or are desirable, through purchase, barter or exchange for other goods (Wells 2008: 357). The process of goods or gift exchange was also in operation at this time and this term is used to describe the distribution of goods as a social interaction between communities aimed at increasing wealth, prestige or status (Wells 2008: 356-7). From the available evidence it is not always possible to tell the difference between these two systems and in fact Iron Age communities may not have differentiated so the two interactions can be interpreted as forming a continuum with traded goods being passed out from centres of trade to the rural periphery via exchange (Wells 2008: 358). The Iron Age was widespread across Central Europe by the 7th century BC and lasted until the Roman conquest in the 1st century BC. Traditionally It is divided into two phases, the Early Iron Age from 750-450BC, which is also termed Hallstatt after the type site in Austria, and the Late Iron Age from 450-50BC also known as La Tene from the type site in Switzerland (Darvill 2008: 215). This essay will use Early or Late Iron Age when referring to time periods, Hallstatt or La Tene when referring to artefact styles. Long distance trade is the easiest to detect in the archaeological record through the identification of foreign or exotic goods (Collis 1984: 15-16). In the Early Iron Age trade was stimulated by the metal using state societies of the Mediterranean , principally Greece and Etruria , as they sought sources of the basic raw materials like tin, copper, iron and salt to fuel their growing economies (Collis 1984: 15). Apart from Baltic amber and Mediterranean coral Europe had a plentiful supply of these basic raw materials locally available so the main import was in manufactured goods like the Attic pottery, Greek amphorae and Etruscan bronze vessels found at the Vix grave on Mont Lassois in France and the Heuneburg in Germany. These demonstrate trade as opposed to a social bond but are also indicative of links between the elites of Western Europe and the Mediterranean for the supply of feasting equipment and wine (Wells 1995: 231). The presence of elaborate graves with rich assemblages o f local products found in context with imported objects such as those found at Durrnberg in Austria which contained glass vessels from Italy, sword handles from Africa and vessels from Slovenia or grave 6 at Hohmichele on the Heuneburg , which contained silk textile from the far east, are indicative of long distance trade in prestige or luxury goods rather than social interaction (Wells 2008: 363). Colonies, such as Marseille founded by the Phocaeans in 600BC, were established by the Mediterranean societies to open up new trading markets (Milisauskas 1978: 270) as can be evidenced by the trade in wine and luxury items up the Rhone valley to central Europe (Greene 1990: 116), although not all Mediterranean drinking gear found in central Europe came via this route. Items such as the beaker flagons found in the Vix grave may have come via alpine routes from the Etruscan controlled Po valley (Cunliffe 1999: 62). Correspondingly the Early Iron Age saw the rise of European towns like the Heuneburg and Mont Lassois, with large populations and high levels of production and trade, which acted as core centres in local areas importing foodstuffs and raw materials from rural periphery for inter-regional exchange and distributing finished goods locally (Wells 1980: 46-47). In the Late Iron Age these towns were replaced by oppida like Manching in Bavaria and Bibracte in France which fulfille d a similar role. These oppida were also used as ports of trade and may have been established to attract and increase trade rather than to restrict or control it (Woolf 1993: 211). Following the foundation of the colonies feasting and drinking artefacts from Greek and Etruscan workshops appear in graves of the European aristocracy indicating the presence of well established trading links between central Europe and the Mediterranean (Cunliffe 2010: 462). It could therefore be assumed that that this elite aristocracy were in control of trade however there is evidence at the Heuneburg and Narbo for the presence of a merchant class who bring wine and other Mediterranean goods to the native markets and exchange them for raw materials, slaves and, as their population grew, foodstuffs (Nash 1984: 92-94). This trend continues into the Late Iron Age, when following a hiatus after Greece turns eastwards for trade in the 5th Century BC, contact with the Mediterranean is renewed in 2nd century BC, and there is evidence from Magdalensberg near Salzburg for trade being in the hands of Italian merchants with no evidence for native traders (Collis 2002: 31). Not all long distance trade was in luxury or prestige goods. The potential for interchange of rituals, ideas, technologies or even specialists should not be ignored nor should the smaller, domestic or lifestyle products like brooches and pins. It may be that the European elite in the towns and oppida acted as a core for the redistribution of these commodities in their local area or inter-regionally as the distribution of artefacts made from a variety of raw materials and involving the use of many technologies can be taken as indicating a defined social hierarchy within a settled society (Phillips 1980: 266). Inter-regional trade, or rather at this level exchange, can be described as the movement of goods between communities that share cultural similarities (Collis 1984: 15-16). For example, in the Late Iron Age objects found in graves from France, Austria and Bohemia and ornamented in the La Tene style would seem to indicate a social link between regional elites who express their cultural similarity and identity through material culture (Wells 2008: 363). The objects exchanged may be similar in form to those produced in the local environment and this exchange is traditionally seen as a social rather than economic event. To this end there is no merchant class involved in the transaction as it is based on family and kin relationships (Collis 1984: 15-16). Occurring more in the Early rather than the Late Iron Age it is characterized by gift exchange between the powerful members of peer societies possibly representing not only trade but also tribute, ransom, dowry payments or even wedding gi fts (Wells 1995: 239). This may also represent the practice of reciprocity whereby goods were given as a social interaction between elite members of society, not in the expectation of immediate exchange, but rather as a long term investment whereby reciprocation was made by the provision of services, labour, goods or even trading treaties (Nash 1984: 93-4). Stretching Europe slightly to include south-west Britain will allow the trade between Alet in France and Hengistbury Head to be used as a case study. The discovery of an iron anchor and chain dating from the 1st century BC at Bulbury in Dorset can be interpreted as providing evidence for maritime trade between continental Europe and Britain (Cunliffe 2010: 480). Hengistbury Head was a designated port of trade used by the local elite to control the flow of goods both into and out of Britain whilst utilizing the foreign trade relationship to increase their advantage over their regional periphery (Nash 1984: 93). Goods such as iron from the Hengistbury area, non-ferrous metals from the Mendips and Kimmeridge shale were exchanged with Alet, via a short haul sea crossing to the Channel Islands and thence to the port of Reginca, for Mediterranean pottery, prestige finished goods and wine (Languet 1984: 73). This is evidenced by the presence of Dressel 1A amphorae, glass and fine ware potte ry from Northern Italy at Hengistbury Head and changes in the local manufacture of ceramics, bronze and iron artefacts that are indicative of inter-regional exchange of ideas and technologies (Cunliffe 1984: 8). Although this short range, cross-channel contact was probably based on a recurring requirement between the respective core communities it could also be interpreted as a core-periphery pattern of trade whereby Continental Europe is the core supplying finished goods and south-west Britain is the periphery providing raw materials in exchange (Nash 1984: 92). There is evidence from the vast amounts of Armorican pottery at Hengistbury Head that the Armoricans themselves may have lived there, at least for part of the year, and acted as continental agents liaising with the local communities for the exchange of goods (Cunliffe 2010: 479). The hoard from Llyn Fawr in Wales could provide evidence of this interaction as it contains Hallstatt C type artefacts ,such as iron swords and br onze discs for harness ornamentation, that are similar to types found in Belgium and southern Germany and could have been shipped via Alet to Hengistbury Head before being exchanged locally (Cunliffe 2010: 456). Thus a case can be made for regarding Hengistbury Head as the core for its immediate environment with the local rural communities as the periphery. Local trade is probably the least studied of all the patterns of trade as there is a traditional assumption that the mechanisms used are already well understood (Collis 1984: 15). The interaction between local communities was possibly based on reciprocity with the exchange of finished goods for services, labour or raw materials. The oppida of the late Iron Age, like Manching and Bibracte, and the towns of the Early Iron Age, like Mont Lassois and the Heuneburg, were not just trading centres but were also manufacturing and production sites creating their own finished goods which is evidenced by graves containing bronze objects, pottery and glass beads that reflect local patterns of trade. These manufactured goods may have formed part of a core-periphery trade with smaller local communities for food and forestry products (Wells 1995: 236). Increases in rural production, which created a local self sufficiency and provided a greater surplus for trade, engendered the conditions that allow ed for a large scale social organisation with elaborate hierarchies. The emergent elite in these hierarchies were able to engage in local trade for a wide range of goods which could also be used to foster a regular contact with other regional elites for exchange of commodities, technologies and ideas (James and Rigby 1997: 76-7). Although they are classified as elites it is possible that individuals acted as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"centresà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ for trade and the rich burials in which we find lavish prestige and luxury goods, such as the Etruscan beaked flagons found in the middle Rhine area of Europe and dated to the Late Iron Age (Cunliffe 1999: 63), indicate wealth but maybe not elite status (Collis 1984: 16). After all not all trade was in luxury or prestige goods and the presence of non-elite objects like decorative pins and brooches, such as the bronze fibulae found in the female grave at Vix (Wells 2008: 364), in a local area can be taken as representative of local trade o r exchange networks. These socio-economic systems also saw elite leaders give gifts of lesser value to those lower down the hierarchy in order to retain status and power (Cunliffe 2999: 61). The spread of items like the long slashing Grundelingen swords can be explained by simple local exchange mechanisms providing examples that are then copied (Cunliffe 2010: 449) and at Alb-Salem in WÃÆ' ¼rttemberg there have been found ceramics of a particular size and decoration distributed across an area that could be walked in a day (Wells 2008: 361). In the late Iron Age coin evidence appears to indicate that specialist workers, who mass produce goods and administer their own commercial aspects of trade, replace control by elites, initially in their local area but eventually along the whole commodity supply chain (Wells 1995: 240-1). This is further evidenced by the appearance of mass produced Roman wares in graves where they replace unique foreign imports and is paralleled by a diminution in the role played by elites and social networks as they are superseded by professional merchants in a globalised economic market (Wells 1995: 240-2). The available archaeological evidence is open to ambiguous interpretation however this essay has argued that it would seem to support the spatial model of long distance, inter-regional and local patterns of trade even though this is a modern economic construct. These patterns should not be seen as being mutually exclusive but rather as strands in a complex system of exchange mechanisms that reflect social interaction between communities, that have a symbolic as well as an economic dimension whilst moving commodities, as well as ideas and technologies, bi-directionally around Europe and the Mediterranean (Renfrew 1993: 214). It should also be borne in mind that intangibles such as slaves, foodstuffs, hides and hunting dogs will leave no trace in the archaeological record even though they were subject to the same trade and exchange systems (Cunliffe 1984: 4). However, without the benefit of written sources to enhance our understanding, what the evidence cannot prove is how the Iron Age communities themselves regarded trade. It is a possibility that they did not differentiate by region or distance but instead regarded all trade as local and based on simple exchange systems no matter what the commodity or how far it had travelled (Wells 2008: 358). As the Iron Age came to a close, with low value coinage being adopted and Rome becoming predominant in Europe and the Mediterranean, there was a move to a globalised, impersonal, commodity market that removed the need for a differentiation in trading patterns. The emergence of standardised weights, measures and prices rendered redundant the requirement for barter and exchange systems with a professional Italian merchant class controlling trade and replacing local elites who were subsumed into the Roman provincial government process (Collis 2002: 30).

Extent to which the child is the central image in Macbeth Essay

William Shakespeare’s Macbeth is filled with many vivid and recurring images. Such imagery permeates the text and provides strong striking images which, when performed on stage, stay firmly in the audiences’ minds. Many critics have proposed arguments expressing their opinion on what constitutes the central image in Macbeth. On reading the text, or perhaps watching the play, some of the images are more prominent than others. Images such as blood and darkness seem to hold most significance to the plot and to the themes. However, it is only with detailed reading that the image of the child is recognised as being profoundly significant. On first reading, the image of the child may not even be considered, but through meticulous study, this image may become more prominent and prove to be the pivot on which Macbeth’s character swings, it also provides the dynamic which drives the plot forward. Blood is perhaps one of the most striking and gruesome recurring image in the play. Blood has both symbolic and literal meaning in Macbeth, therefore it is widely recognised as one of the major motifs throughout the play. The blood that is shed in Macbeth is a reminder of Macbeth and Lady Macbeth’s guilt, and it acts as a metaphorical stain on the Macbeth’s consciences. These recurring bloody images play a particularly important role in scenes such as Act 2 Scene 2, when Macbeth returns from the scene of the crime carrying bloody daggers, and with his hands drenched in the King Duncan’s blood. Lady Macbeth too has blood stained hands after she goes back to replace the daggers which her husband has brought back to their chamber. Blood also plays a key role in Act 5 scene 1 when guilt consumes Lady Macbeth’s mind and during her sleepwalking,... ...ace from day to day To the last syllable of recorded time, And all our yesterdays have lighted fools The way to dusty death.† (5:5 18-22) The image of ‘dusty death’, contrasts with the earlier images of fertility which abounded in the early scenes of the text: â€Å"I have begun to plant thee and will labour To make thee full of growing.† (1:4: 28-29) Macbeth’s proto-lineal ambition dies towards the end of the play. He comes to the conclusion that because he has failed in his ambition to found a dynasty, life is pointless. Macbeth sees no reason to live and the feeling of utter hopelessness overwhelms him. Lady Macbeth’s demise signifies that Macbeth’s dynastic dream is dead. He now realises the futility of his crimes, his â€Å"war on children† [7], has been wholly in vain. â€Å"For the babe signifies the future which Macbeth would control and cannot control.† [8]

Running Head: Discussion Board Essay

1. What are some ways the Christian gospel is perceived in our culture? The Christian gospel is perceived in our culture as â€Å"confusion† or that Christians consider themselves to be greater than people of other religions. The one that bothers me is that Christians are hypocrites and that Christians say one thing and do another. Some of the perception are well grounded because Christians, especially carnal Christians have a tendency to package the gospel in a way that would benefit them instead of bringing others to inquire about the word of God. 2. What are some specific moral reasons people may reject the Christian gospel? A lot of people believe that there’s no way that Jesus could be fully human and fully God at the same time. Some say that there is no way that God could love and save them, being that they are mere mortals. Some people reject the Christian gospel because of sexual, marital or political reasons. Being a Christian means that you must adhere to a certain moral code and standard that most people will decline to adhere to. 3. What are some specific emotional reasons people may reject the Christian gospel? A lot of people simply doubt that all you have to do in order to be saved is to believe in the death, burial, and resurrection of Jesus Christ and you will be saved. To believe is to be accompanied by faith and a changed mind. Most people have a problem believing in something that can’t be seen. The fear of change is always difficult when a person has been used to doing things a certain way. â€Å"But the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of God.† (1Co. 2:14, King James Bible,) 4. What are some specific intellectual reasons people may reject the Christian gospel? A lot of people are so bent on knowing everything about everything that when they are confronted with the truth of the gospel  it’s usually met with skepticism. Intellectual individuals like thing to be logically presented and the Christian gospel carries with it the element of faith and faith is something that a lot of intellectual individuals aren’t willing to invest a lot of time into or anything else for that matter. 5. What can Christians do to address these objections and better communicate the Christian gospel? First of all the Christian gospel must not be forced on anyone. Secondly the best way to communicate the Christian gospel is for individuals to see the difference that Christ has made in your life. â€Å"Preach with mildness and deep respect† (2 Timothy 2:25 King James version). â€Å"Believe what we are teaching†. ( Deuteronomy 6:6, King James version). Christians should also be open to providing more information with the situation present itself.

Controlling The Internet Essays - Content-control Software

Controlling The Internet Essays - Content-control Software Controlling The Internet Controlling the Internet Censorship plays a role in everything that is portrayed on the Internet. However, due to the size and its rapid growth, it has become almost impossible to control. In respect to censorship in the Internet, we will be examining the issues of pornography, privacy, security, and the Napster debate. In 1989, the World Wide Web was developed. This new technology enabled Internet users to exchange information on a global scale. With no restrictions on what information could be shared, the Internet has become home to an assortment of web-sites consisting of topics that are shunned from the mainstream media. For example, literature that was banned from high schools and colleges for content that contained sexually explicit, anti-religious or immoral material has been made available through web-sites such as Banned Books On-Line. Over the last decade, governments have struggled to regulate the content of the Internet. For example, in 1996 the Congress of the United States passed the Communications Decency Act, which made it a crime to transmit indecent material over the Internet. Materials such as child-pornography (which will be discussed later) were deemed offensive and thus distributors must be prosecuted. To help catch Internet content violators, organizations such as the Internet Police were created. Internet Police The Internet Police, help to regulate the Internet by; reporting illegal websites, pressuring governments to apply relevant legislation, block illegal material and report attempts by people to access child pornography. In response to the Communications Decency Act, many Internet users, industry experts and civil liberties groups were opposed to such censorship. Websites such as The Electronic Frontier Foundation were created to uphold the rights to digital free expression from political and legal threats. Anti-censorship followers feel the governments actions are infringing on their freedom of speech. When taken to the Supreme Court in 1997, the court was forced to abolish the Act because it was unconstitutional. Internet censorship can sometimes vary depending on the country. For example, in communist countries such as China, Western ideologies conveyed on the Internet are seen as harmful to the solidarity of the Chinese government. As such, all E-mails leaving and entering the country are screened and edited by government officials. Sometimes messages are even deleted if they are seen as harmful to national interests. Recently, the Chinese government has tried to develop its own China World Web which will hope to censor any unwanted western messages. Security Issues Today, the Internet is more like the everyday world, with all of its promises and problems, than a reflection of academia or an island village. While it's become a tremendous tool for commerce and information, the 'Net has also become a home to thieves, terrorists and vandals. The Internet provides concealment for malicious users. The remote nature of the 'Net also creates a false sense of security. Many users log on in blissful ignorance, believing they're okay because they can't see or feel any threats. Even after learning their workstations or Web sites have been broken into multiple times, many fail to understand the threats lurking on the other end of the wire. Routinely are systems attacked from multiple vectors, worms carried in by e-mails, bandwidth consumed by floods of bogus traffic, and workstation CPUs hijacked through some unpatched vulnerability. Case Studies Electronic Signatures in Global and National Commerce Act (E-SIGN). Under E-SIGN, A signature, contract or other record relating to [a] transaction may not be denied legal effect, validity or enforceability solely because it is in electronic form. For the first time, it's not essential that a physical (wet) signature be inscribed onto paper to bind a commitment. E-SIGN is one of the most empowering ingredients for future e-commerce, especially for financial institutions. Visa International 19 million vendors and more than 1 billion cardholders. (sic) Consumers now want to know what's being done to secure their online transactions. Like never before, online shoppers are receptive to learning about things like smart cards, security protocols and digital wallets. This, in turn, prompts companies to develop technologies and services to meet this demand. Visa is taking a multifaceted approach to ensuring that consumers have the same confidence in the virtual world as in the physical world. In June 2000, Visa launched a Global Secure e-Commerce Initiative

Phobias essays

Phobias essays good morning! let me start of by mentioning a few normal in the life scenarios that i am sure some of you might have experienced in your daily life, like for instance you wake up at say 8. you have a first hour class, you are already late and you have had too many absentees so you dress up and take that express elevator down to the carpark. And you are there in the lift waiting to reach the car park when BanG!! there goes the electricity and you are there stranded , all alone in that lift.. nothing to panic about but you would if you were claustrophobic. I'll give you another normal situation like lets say now you are sitting in the classroom listening to one of those boring history lectures when there you see a spider crawling on the wall. no need to go Yikes.. well you would if you are were arcahnephobic.. By now you must have figured out that the topic of my speech today is about phobias. So what are these phobias.. are they natural?.. what causes these phobias to occur?.. and the million dollar question.. how do you get rid of one.. Starting at the basics.... phobias are "irrational, persistent fear of, or an excessive avoidance of a specific object, some particular activity or situation.". I am sure you didnt understand one word of that .. so in simple layman english phobias are the fancy terms used to describe fears of certain objects or situations. Now phobias arent just any kind of fears, they are irrational ones. It's normal for people to be afraid of things - like taking a hard test at school, passing a growling dog on the street, or hearing a huge clap of thunder. all these arent phobias because there is a real danger and there is a need for survival in the individual. Only when the fear becomes irrational does it become a phobia. for examaple You may be able to ski the world's tallest mountains with ease but feel panic going above the 10th floor of an office building. Being frightened of something harmless lik...

Ethical Decision Making in Arriving at a Caring Response Research Paper

Ethical Decision Making in Arriving at a Caring Response - Research Paper Example Veracity deals with trust issues of medical practitioners. The first thing a healthcare professional does upon arriving at a caring response in the Memorial Medical Center is to collect the relevant information that clarifies the ethical conflict involving the basic principles of ethical dilemma that a patient is facing. At a caring response, a nurse practitioner establishes the specific ethical conflict or question that a patient is experiencing. At Memorial Medical Center, all medical professionals involved in attending a patient at a caring response must succinctly and clearly articulate the ethical issue in question and answer all the questions that arise. Note that, before resulting to disclose any information regarding veracity issues, it is advisable for a medic to consult the family members of the patient. These decisions may be technical such as cost effectiveness analysis and principle related alternatives such as distributive justice. Following the fact that there may be s ome competing values and goals, ensuring procedural level of fairness becomes the best method of ensuring social acceptance of decisions and moral demonstration of public accountability. In these kinds of situations, a professional health practitioner should not disclose any information regarding the identified ethical problem as doing so is against medical ethics (Kapiriri, et al, 2009). At Memorial Medical Center, after gathering ethical related information, reporting to the relevant parties incorporates two stages. Nevertheless, note that the question at hand must have ethical ramifications just as required by the facility. First, a healthcare professional puts together prescriptive approach information that he or she then goes ahead to report to the relevant bodies. Prescriptive approach is a tool derived from theories of ethics in philosophy and presents health practitioners with an opportunity to use decision-making tools of ethics. In prescriptive approach, healthcare profess ional at MMC gets to exercise modes of thinking when it comes to ethical choices whereby it helps them make decisions that a â€Å"conscientious moral agent† who is a careful and upright thinker about ethical options to make. The second phase of information gathering and reporting involves descriptive approach. In this case, MMC healthcare practitioners incorporates measures included by psychological research in which it defines and describes the actual mode of making decisions ethically as opposed to how they should make a choice (Mitty and Ramsey, 2008). Step Two: Identify the Type of Ethical Problem Even after identifying the possible ethical problem, it is unethical to disclose the information to any other person apart from the required persons. In the example provided by the MMC, identifying the exact problem a patient is experiencing might result to making unethical decisions simply because,

Read the sources and summarize them Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Read the sources and summarize them - Essay Example The Haymarket riot or Haymarket massacre was a struggle for workers’ rights and has become a symbol of the rights of workers internationally. The incident highlighted the increasing confrontations that were taking place between the workers and the industrialists. The workers having formed unions were agitating for greater power and economic security as well as better working conditions in the workplaces. Since 1889 it has been associated with international Labor Day celebrated on May 1 every year. The riot took place on May 4, a day after police intervention between strikers who wanted to return to work and those who tried to prevent them, during a strike at McCormick Harvesting Machine Company in Chicago. The strike was part of a workers campaign for 8 hour working days. The labor leaders called a meeting at Haymarket square to protest the police action and the governor was present as an observer. After most of the demonstrators had dispersed peacefully, a bomb was thrown by an unidentified person and the violence that followed a peaceful meeting, led to several deaths. The riot created an atmosphere of distrust and frenzy against immigrant workers and labor leaders. Amidst allegations and counter allegations eight people were convicted of murder, although nothing was ever proved against any of them. Of the eight known as the Chicago Eight, four were hanged on November 11 1887 while one committed suicide. When the remaining three sent a mercy petition to the then governor of Illinois, a few years later, it was found that the judge and jury had been biased and evidence fabricated against the defendants. They were therefore pardoned to the dismay of industrialists and the press. The pardon was a shot in the arm for those in favor of labor reform. Mary Harris Jones who worked as an organizer for the Knights of Labor passionately declared â€Å"I long to see the day when Labor will have the destiny of the nation in